Hello everyone! Welcome to another presentation on IN THE WHITE. I hope you all are doing fine and in good health too.

Today’s presentation is a special one for me, as it is an essay I wrote for one of my politics course at The University of the South Pacific.

The write-up discusses China- Japan relationship from a realist point of view, alongside highlighting some constructivist elements. So, without any further delay, here I present my document.

Introduction

Located in the East Asia region, with just 3,045 Kilometers apart, China and Japan share a sweet and sour relationship. Their friendship can be traced centuries back and now so can be their rivalry. Understanding the China-Japan relationship could be a little complicated given the economic, social and political connection they share. This essay uses the international relations theory of realism with a little of constructivism to explain China’s relationship with Japan. Some of the key points that this paper wishes to highlight includes; China-Japan economic relations which takes a more liberal stance before discussing disputed territory of the Senkaku/Diaoyutai islands, the first and second Sino-Japanese wars. Then the document shifts focus to post world war two China-Japan relations where it looks at the rise of China, its nuclear weapons, the Japan-US alliance, the sudden increase in Japan’s defense budget mean to China and why visits to the Yasukuni shrine by Japanese Prime Ministers continues to hinder Japan-China relations. Realism provides the best understanding of the Sino-Japanese relationship is the key objective of this paper.

China-Japan Economic Relations

Before diving into the bitter bits of the China-Japan relationship, it is important to note that both countries once had a very strong and healthy relationship. This can be attributed to economic means when the “China-Soviet divide occurred in 1959-1960” (Howe, 1990), it quickly enabled China to strengthen economic ties with Japan by allowing them to become its “trading partner and supplier for new technology” (Howe, 1990). A spot previously occupied by the Soviet Union. Interestingly, trade between China and Japan in the 1960’s were in the form of “agreements with selected and approachable firms” (Howe, 1990), which were relatively small, but were determined to work together despite non diplomatic connections between them.

Nonetheless, when diplomatic talks resumed between the two countries, economic activities began to increase and international trade institutions like “The Japan-China Economic Association” (Howe, 1990) was setup. Through this platform Japan made bigger commitments such as “supplying fertilizer, petrochemical plants and establishing a large steel rolling facility in Wuhan” (Howe, 1990). In the early 1970’s China realized its potential in “finished steel and downstream products of the oil industry (Howe, 1990) and prioritized it to make it the “first China boom” (Howe, 1990). Further to this, an anti-Americanism campaign was generated by setting up a magazine agency called “Peoples China”, which promoted Japan-China propaganda and published anti American articles (Howe, 1990).  Although the paper discusses China-Japan relations with respect to realism and constructivism, it is fair to state that the concept of trade and international institutions highlighted above are part of liberal democratic principles which cannot be ignored in this relationship.

Even though the growing economic strengths of the 1960-70’s between China and Japan indicates an unbreakable bond, its diplomatic or political rivalry can be traced back to history.

Dispute over Senkaku/Diaoyu island

One of the many causes to this sour relationship is the dispute over the Senkaku/Diaoyu islands. Situated “170 Kilometers southwest of Okinawa and about 380 Kilometers north of China’s mainland” (Drifte, 2013), the interest of both states on the inhabitant island which comprises of “five islets and three barren rocks” (Drifte, 2013) are vast for numerous reasons. Historically, Japan claims its full right to the island after occupying it in 1895 citing that the land was vacant at the time of occupancy (Drifte, 2013). However, China claims that it had discovered the island long ago, dating back to the “Ming Dynasty between 1368-1644” (Drifte, 2013) who label the island as part of China. It’s fair to say that since China claims Taiwan as its own territory, it will definitely support Taiwan over the Senkaku/Diaoyu dispute.   

From a realist lance, who view the world as anarchic and dangerous place believe China’s quest for power is to maximize its strength to become a regional, then a global hegemonic power (Santos, 2017).  Their desire to capture the Senkaku/Diaoyu islands for resources such as “oil, gas, fish and seabed’s” (Drifte, 2013) are efforts to increase economic power and strengthen national security through it, as well as have a stronger influence in the region, which could have an effect at the global stage. Whereas, a constructivist who believes “the world socially constructed” (Theys, 2018) would argue that it is not about the interest in economic resources mentioned earlier, but the nature of historical relationship that China and Japan have between them. This can be further explained by event of 2012, when Japan decided to purchase some islands of the Senkaku group from its private owner. This was a bigger hit to China compared to the 2010 incident whereby “Japanese officials arrested a Chinese captain of a fishing vessel at one of the islands boundaries after a coalition with the Japanese coast guard vessel” (Drifte, 2013).  

Sino-Japanese Wars

First Sino-Japanese War

The China-Japan war better known as the “Sino-Japanese war” is another major reason of hiccup in the China-Japan relationship. Fought from 1894-1895, the war was to determine who would gain control over Korea. Fascinatingly, China had great interest in Korea as it considered the Korea its great trading partner.  However, the strategic location of Japan sparked its own interest in Korea because of coal and iron resources (Kim, 2012). In 1875, Japan who had started to adopt western technology pressured Korea to open itself to the outside world, particularly trading with Japan.  The effect of the Japanese strengthens reflected in the modernization of the Korean government. Despite the situation in Korea, China continued its support Japanese officials surrounding the royal family, until 1884, when “a group of Japanese reformers tried to take over the Korean government”. The Chinese were quick to react and managed to protect the Korean king, murdering numerous Japanese lawmaking guards in the process. As a result, a war like scenario was avoided between the two states by signing the “Li-Ito convention” (Kim, 2012), where both parties agreed to withdraw troops from Korea.

The constant modernization together with the impact of Japanese nationalism began to be seen in Korea in 1894. The killing of “pro-Japanese Korean leader” (Kim, 2012) by Chinese authorities recreated tensions, forcing the Japanese to send armed troops to Korea. The Korean king then requested China for assistance China’s aid was seen as a violation of the Li-Ito convention. Japan then destroyed a ship carrying more Chinese soldiers, which ignited the war. The battle ended in a Chinese defeat, resulting in Japan occupying some of China’s islands. Japan’s quest for power over Korea could be seen as an act of maximizing power (Santos, 2017) which is a key element in the realist view. At the same time, China’s fall could be seen as transition in power (Rathus, 2010) given that it had the upper hand over Japan but failed to prevail.

Second Sino-Japanese War

Fast-forward to 1937 when the second Sino-Japanese war occurred. This time the war broke out of Chinese resistance to the growing Japanese influence in their state (Anon., 2020). The Japanese had occupied the area of Manchuria for most of the 20^th century and ruled it through its railways and land leases (Anon., 2020). It undermined Chinese sovereignty by seizing many Chinese islands like “Hankou, Tianjin and Shanghai” (Anon., 2020). It is this second Sino-Japanese war where the Chinese believe their opponent had caused the most sinful acts such as the “murder of more than 300,000 civilians and the rape of thousands of women” (Anon., 2020) were conducted by Japanese solders upon the directive of the Japanese commander. It is important to note that despite earning victory in the first Sino-Japanese war, the victors did not seem to be satisfied and desired to conquer the whole of China, in which they were quite successful by capturing more Chinese land areas like “Hankow, Canton, Peiping and Shansi” (Anon., 2020). From a realist view this raises serious question of “how much power is enough” (Santos, 2017) for any state. If “offensive realist theory” (Steinssom, 2014) is applied, then Japans attitude of self-interest and power maximization (Steinssom, 2014) in particular could be used as justification to ignite both the Sino-Japanese war, even though he second battle is  cited as  a retaliation by China of Japan’s increasing power (Anon., 2020), which seems to be more of a defensive realist approach (Santos, 2017).

China-Japan relationship post World War 2

Looking at post world war two China-Japan relations, the rise of China is of great concern for Japan. Its growing military capability has forced the Japanese to tighten its own defense force. For instance, in response to the Senkaku/Diaoyu territorial dispute, the Japanese up skilled its infantry and created an “Amphibious Rapid Deployment Brigade” (Katarigi, 2018), a marine unit to deal with threats in the area. Japan’s intention to send over “160-800 troops to Ishigaki, Miyako and Amami islands close to Okinawa” (Katarigi, 2018) are another set of territories that the Japanese are trying to safeguard. It is also noteworthy, that Japan’s security concern is not limited to land, but has tensions in the air as well. The involvement of “Air Defense Unit equipped with patriot missiles and Fighter Squadron” setup at the Tsuiki Air Base (Katarigi, 2018) reflects that Japan has great security concern over China. Arguably, from defensive realist point of view, Japan could be seen acquiring sufficient power to defend itself from China.

China’s military might a concern for Japan

China’s rise could be viewed as another “Power transition” (Rathus, 2010). An interesting fact about China’s military is that, it is pretty secretive and selective about its military budget disclosures. Experts claim that figures provided by the Chinese authorities are “untrue” (Rathus, 2010) as it cannot be easily verified and believe that the numbers given could be double than what it suggests. Some also say that the Chinese government itself does not have any idea of how much it has spent on military development since the 1990’s. Therefore, unclear military budget and doubtful data is strong enough to create tension among neighboring countries like Japan.  Another factor to note is while China increased its military might, Japan’s military declined (Rathus, 2010): (Khoo, 2014), which likely to increase insecurity on the Japanese side.

China’s Nuclear power

If China’s military Power is not sufficient to create enough tension, than its intention to acquire “sophisticated weapons “(Rathus, 2010) surely does. The purchase of “Sovremenny-class missiles, strategic missiles, alongside short to medium range of ballistic missiles” are capable of attacking ships at distance of 1,000 Kilometers (Rathus, 2010). China’s strong nuclear capability is something that Japan is worried about and is fearful of being attacked by China. While China may see the use missiles as an act of self-defense, Japan’s concern over its rival’s nuclear power is understandable from a constructivist thought, given the bitter history of the two sides (Santos, 2017).

Japan-US Alliance a concern for China

Japan’s alliance with the United States is of great concern to China. The Chinese strongly believe that the Japan-US partnership is a method of countering China’s military power. The “Ballistic Missile Defense program” (Garcia, 2014) agreed to between the allies is seen as the shield aimed at China, even though Japanese authorities say the missile shield is to protect itself from nuclear might North Korea (Garcia, 2014). China views Japan as a state with “great power ambitions” accusing it of having “six Aegis missiles with over a dozen missiles” of the same brand after aligning with the United States (Garcia, 2014). It is evident that possession of nuclear weapons and US assistance to construct the Ballistic Missile Defense system is causing a security dilemma in the Japan-China relationship. To the realists, it is this security concern that makes war inevitable between states, while Japan will consider its friendship with the US an act of balancing power, China will look to maximize its strength to keep pace with the United States (Khoo, 2014).

Why increase in Japan’s Defense Budget worries China?

Japan’s defense budget and nationalistic behavior are another set of matters that concerns China. Beijing worries that the recent increase in Japanese military budget of up to 49 billion Yen could spark “an arms race or military confrontation (Anon., n.d.)” between the two sides. From a realist viewpoint, China’s reaction and attitude towards Japan makes it clear that battle for power between states is endless and reaffirms that international system is anarchic. Visits by Japanese Prime Ministers to the Yasukuni shrine angers neighbors China as they view Japan promoting nationalistic view and claim that it has not been able to forget the disaster of world war two (Lewentowicz, 2013). While Japan with many others see China’s reactions as an act of interference in its domestic affairs, the point remains that visits to Yasukuni shrine by Japanese leaders hurts the already wounded China-Japan relationship.       

Conclusion

To conclude, while it is clear that economic ties between China and Japan indicate a healthy liberal connection, disputes over the Senkaku/Diaoyu islands, bitterness of the first and second Sino-Japanese war, the rise of China, its nuclear arms, the Japan-US alliance, sudden increase in Japan’s defense budget and visits to the Yasukuni shrine by Japanese Prime Ministers provides realist views with a couple of constructivist arguments. It can also be noted that after world war two tensions between China and Japan has further intensified and does not seem to be returning to normalcy anytime soon. This keeps the realist position intact that states need power for survival, for which states with less power like Japan seek to balance its strength by forming alliances with greater power like the United States. The competition for power continues in this way, making war more likely between countries. 

With that, this presentation comes to an end. I hope you enjoyed reading it and found the writng informative.

Below are a list of refences you could use for frther research.

Bibliography

Anon., 2020. Second Sino-Japanese War, s.l.: Online.

Anon., n.d. business-standards.com. [Online]
Available at: https://www.business-standard.com/article/international/china-frets-about-arms-race-as-japan-plans-to-increase-military-spending-121052200067_1.html
[Accessed 29 October 2021].

Drifte, R., 2013. THE SENKAKU/DIAOYU ISLANDS TERRITORIAL DISPUTE BETWEEN JAPAN AND CHINA: BETWEEN THE MATERIALIZATION OF THE “CHINA THREAT” AND JAPAN “REVERSING THE OUTCOME OF WORLD WAR II”?, s.l.: University of Newcastle.

Garcia, Z., 2014. China’s Military Modernization, Japan’s Normalization and its Effects on the South China Sea Territorial Disputes, s.l.: Florida International University.

Howe, C., 1990. China, Japan and Economic Interdependence in the Asia Pacific Region. The China Quarterly, December.

Katarigi, N., 2018. Between Structural Realism and Liberalism: Japan’s Threat Perception and Response. International Studies Perspectives, 7 August .19(4).

Khoo, N., 2014. China’s Policy toward Japan:, s.l.: Online.

Kim, K. H., 2012. The Sino-Japanese War (1894-1895): Japanese National Integration and Construction of the Korean “Other”. International Journal of Korean History, Febeuary.17(1).

Lewentowicz, S. E., 2013. In response to Yasukuni: the curious approach the Chinese and South Korean governments take toward an unresolved link to the past, s.l.: Naval Postgrduate School.

Rathus, J. M., 2010. Japan’s response to the Rise of China:Implications for Regional Institutions, s.l.: University of Adelaide.

Santos, D., 2017. Post-War Sino-Japanese Relations: A Constructivist, s.l.: Hong Kong University.

Steinssom, S., 2014. John Mearsheimer’s Theory of Offensive Realism and the Rise of China, s.l.: s.n.

Theys, S., 2018. Introducing Constructivism in International Relations Theory, s.l.: E-International Relations.